The United States has spent over $15 billion on hypersonic weapons development across the last three fiscal years. The Pentagon‘s FY2026 budget requests another $3.9 billion. And as of March 2026, the United States has not fielded a single operational hypersonic weapon. Russia claims to have several. China has tested at least 20 times more hypersonic missiles than the U.S. has. A former Under Secretary of Defense for Research and Engineering testified to Congress that the United States does not “have systems which can hold [China and Russia] at risk in a corresponding manner, and we don’t have defenses against [their] systems.”
That quote is from 2023. The situation in 2026 is marginally better and structurally the same.
What hypersonic actually means
The term gets thrown around loosely enough that it’s worth nailing down. A hypersonic weapon travels at Mach 5 or above—five times the speed of sound, roughly 6,200 kilometers per hour at sea level. But speed alone isn’t the point. Conventional ballistic missiles reach hypersonic velocities during reentry. What distinguishes hypersonic weapons is that they combine extreme speed with maneuverability—the ability to change course during flight, making their trajectory unpredictable and interception extraordinarily difficult.
Two types dominate the current development landscape. Hypersonic glide vehicles are launched on a ballistic trajectory by a rocket booster, then separate and glide through the upper atmosphere at hypersonic speeds, maneuvering toward their target along a flatter, lower path than a traditional ballistic missile. This depressed trajectory reduces the detection window for radar systems and complicates interception because the glide vehicle can change direction in ways a ballistic warhead can’t. Hypersonic cruise missiles are powered throughout their flight by air-breathing engines—scramjets—that sustain hypersonic speeds within the atmosphere. They fly lower than glide vehicles, further reducing detection time, but the engineering challenge of a scramjet engine that operates reliably at Mach 5-plus is formidable.
The strategic concern is straightforward: a weapon that moves at Mach 5 or faster while maneuvering unpredictably compresses decision-making time for the target country to minutes or less, and existing missile defense systems—designed to intercept projectiles on predictable ballistic trajectories—can’t reliably track or engage it.
Russia: Claims and combat use
Russia has been the most aggressive in deploying claimed hypersonic capability. The Kinzhal (meaning “dagger”), an air-launched ballistic missile reportedly capable of Mach 10, has been used operationally in Ukraine since March 2022. The Avangard hypersonic glide vehicle, which Russia claims can reach Mach 27 and maneuver to evade any missile defense system, was declared operational in December 2019, deployed with the Strategic Rocket Forces on modified SS-19 Stiletto ICBMs. In August 2025, President Putin announced that the Oreshnik hypersonic ballistic missile had entered production and would be deployed in Belarus.
The caveat on Russian claims is that independent verification is limited. Russia has a history of announcing capabilities in advance of demonstrated performance, and the operational record of Russian advanced weapons in Ukraine has been mixed. Kinzhal has been intercepted by Ukraine’s Patriot missile defense systems on at least two confirmed occasions, which either means the Patriot is more capable against hypersonic targets than expected or the Kinzhal is less capable than advertised—or both. The Avangard has been tested only twice, with one success and one failure. Production quantities for all Russian hypersonic systems are believed to be very small, constrained by sanctions, manufacturing capacity, and component shortages.
China: The scale advantage
China has conducted the most extensive hypersonic testing program of any country—up to 20 times as many tests as the United States, according to Congressional Research Service reporting. In late September 2025, China conducted a hypersonic ICBM test featuring boost-glide technology and a depressed trajectory, which analysts interpreted as a major leap in flight-profile sophistication.
China has also unveiled multiple operational or near-operational hypersonic systems: the YJ-17, an anti-ship aeroballistic missile with a hypersonic glide vehicle warhead; the YJ-19, a scramjet-powered hypersonic cruise missile; and the CJ-1000, a hypersonic cruise missile designed to target systems nodes across land, sea, and air. China’s DF-17 medium-range ballistic missile, which carries a hypersonic glide vehicle, has been deployed since 2020 and is specifically designed to threaten carrier strike groups and military installations across the western Pacific.
The difference between the Chinese and American approaches is structural, not just technical. Chinese and Russian hypersonic weapons are designed for nuclear or dual-capable use, which means they can afford to be less accurate—a nuclear warhead doesn’t need to hit a specific building. American hypersonic weapons are being designed exclusively for conventional warheads, which means they require far greater precision. As the CRS report notes, nuclear-armed systems can be 10 to 100 times less accurate than their conventional equivalents. The U.S. has chosen the harder engineering problem.
The United States: Expensive, capable, and not yet fielded
The U.S. has three primary hypersonic weapons programs in development. The Navy’s Conventional Prompt Strike pairs a common hypersonic glide body with a booster system, intended for deployment on Zumwalt-class destroyers (now delayed to 2027) and eventually Virginia-class submarines and Burke-class destroyers. The Army’s Long-Range Hypersonic Weapon—Dark Eagle—is a road-mobile, trailer-launched system with an estimated range of 3,500 kilometers. In December 2025, Lt. Gen. Francisco Lozano disclosed that Dark Eagle could strike mainland China from Guam, Moscow from the United Kingdom, or Tehran from Qatar. One battery is stationed at Fort Lewis, Washington. The Air Force’s Hypersonic Attack Cruise Missile, a scramjet-powered system, is the service’s primary focus after the cancellation of the ARRW program following multiple test failures.
The U.S. conducted successful end-to-end tests of the common glide body in June and December 2024 and April 2025—genuine milestones after the embarrassing 2022 test failure and the 2023 cancellation due to a battery issue. But operational deployment remains years away, and CRS analysis states the U.S. is unlikely to field an operational hypersonic system before FY2027.
The cost problem may be more consequential than the timeline problem. Current U.S. hypersonic missiles cost between $15 million and $41 million per round, depending on the system. Production capacity is one to two missiles per month. An Atlantic Council task force, co-chaired by former Air Force Secretary Deborah Lee James and former Army Secretary Ryan McCarthy, published a report in late 2025 arguing that the U.S. defense industrial base is structurally incapable of producing hypersonic weapons affordably or at scale. Former Pentagon hypersonics director Michael White said the U.S. has “very capable” systems but at “unsustainable cost levels” and urged a “dramatic shift” toward commercial manufacturing models. In February 2026, Ursa Major debuted the HAVOC missile system—a medium-range hypersonic weapon explicitly designed for affordability and mass production, including the ability to be launched from fighter aircraft, ground systems, and space.
The defense problem
Building a weapon that existing defenses can’t stop is one challenge. Building a defense against that weapon is arguably harder. The Pentagon is conceptualizing a multi-layered intercept architecture called “Golden Dome,” combining space-based sensors, midcourse interceptors, high-altitude systems, and terminal-phase defenses. The U.S. has procured upgraded AN/TPY-2 radars with gallium nitride arrays for hypersonic threat detection. The Missile Defense Agency requested $200.6 million for hypersonic defense in FY2026.
The fundamental physics problem: intercepting a maneuvering object at Mach 5-plus requires the interceptor to be faster and more agile than the target, or to predict its trajectory accurately enough to position the interceptor in its path. Hypersonic glide vehicles are specifically designed to make trajectory prediction impossible. The interception window is measured in seconds. The sensor coverage required to track a low-flying, maneuvering target across thousands of kilometers doesn’t exist in any deployed system. Patriot’s successful intercepts of Kinzhal suggest the problem isn’t completely unsolvable, but Kinzhal may be the least sophisticated of the deployed hypersonic threats.
The arms control vacuum
The New START Treaty between the U.S. and Russia, which limited strategic nuclear weapons, expired in February 2026 without renewal. The treaty didn’t explicitly cover hypersonic glide vehicles or cruise missiles that fly on a non-ballistic trajectory for more than half their flight. No international agreement restricts the development, testing, or deployment of hypersonic weapons. North Korea, India (developing BrahMos II with Russia, targeting Mach 7), Japan (the HVGP, expected in service by 2026), France, Australia, and Iran are all pursuing hypersonic programs at various stages of maturity.
The proliferation trajectory mirrors what happened with ballistic missiles in the mid-20th century and drones in the 2010s: a technology initially limited to a few major powers diffuses to regional actors within a decade, and the window for arms control closes before anyone seriously tries to open it. With no treaty framework, no verification mechanisms, and no diplomatic momentum toward either, the hypersonic arms race in 2026 is entirely unregulated and accelerating.
We cover hypersonic weapons alongside directed energy, autonomous systems, electronic warfare, and the full landscape of emerging military technology across 24 lectures in our Battlefields of the Future course—including why the most expensive weapons in the U.S. arsenal might be the ones it can least afford to use.
